Labour Party rounds on 'pious and hypocritical' media

On the day that Charles Clarke, the Labour Party chairman, accused the media of fostering cynicism about politics, Robin Cook suggested that the Government was part of the problem because it put too much emphasis on spin rather than substance.

In Labour's strongest attack on the media since the party came to power, Mr Clarke accused it of bringing politics into disrepute by its "pious and hypocritical" criticism of the Government over party funding, sleaze and spin.

In an address to the Parliamentary Press Gallery, Mr Cook, the Leader of the House, made a veiled criticism of the Prime Minister's style by praising the approach of the former Labour leader, John Smith.

"His strength was the blunt honesty of his political style which earned him such an enormous wave of public affection on his death," Mr Cook said. "Government needs to get the content right and not hide it beneath too much packaging. We have failed if we allow presentation to become more important than the substance."

While Mr Cook insisted that he agreed with Mr Clarke's attack on the media in an article in The Times, he suggested politicians also deserved some blame for the growing cynicism about politics. "Maybe we are being too concerned with presentation. But maybe you have become too preoccupied with process rather than outcome."

Mr Clarke's criticism was intended to spark a debate on the relationship between the politicians and the press, and comes at a low-point in relations between the Government and the media.Tony Blair and his advisers are exasperated that, since the turn of the year, the Government has been forced on to the defensive by a stream of stories about funding, sleaze and spin. They are desperate to forge what they call a "new settlement" with the media.

Ministers would reduce the spin and loosen the straitjacket of discipline which causes them to fear debating ideas. In return, they want the media to divert its focus to policy rather than on the "process" of government.

Some Westminster journalists believe the media's scepticism about politicians can sometimes turn too quickly into a cynicism which has fuelled the public's disenchantment with politics. But there is also a suspicion at Westminster that the Government has launched its "debate" to stop the media giving it such a torrid time.

Mr Clarke intemperate attack brought smiles from Tory MPs, who insist John Major's government was given a much rougher ride by the media. Tim Collins, a shadow Cabinet Minister and former Major aide, said: "Labour have had nearly a decade of sympathetic coverage and it is amazing that they are suddenly turning on the media after a very short period of hostility. I think Charles Clarke was indulging in an amazing exercise of whingeing, whining and moaning."

Mr Clarke, a political bruiser, is no stranger to battles with the media. As chief of staff to the former Labour leader, Neil Kinnock, he faced vitriolic attacks. Yesterday he conceded that the press was not as "vitriolically anti-Labour" as it was in the early 1980s. The media's mauling of Mr Kinnock prompted Mr Blair, Gordon Brown, Mr Campbell and Peter Mandelson to vow that "never again" would Labour receive such treatment once they took over the party's reins.

The spin, soundbites and "fighting for every headline and every deadline" – the mantra at Labour's Millbank headquarters – worked brilliantly in opposition.

But it has taken the party a long time to realise that such methods can be counter-productive in government. Mr Blair regards the attempt to hype "an extra £40bn" for health and education in his first term as a mistake. The sum involved triple-counting and fuelled public expectations that services would improve.

After last year's election, Mr Blair tried to cure Labour's addiction to spin. Alastair Campbell was moved upstairs, and the job of briefing journalists given to the civil servants Godric Smith and Tom Kelly. However, the anti-spin drive was scuppered by Jo Moore's e-mail on 11 September.

For some ministers, that was the moment when spin became an indelible stain on New Labour, a permanent symbol of what the voters dislike about Mr Blair.

Mark Oaten, chairman of the Liberal Democrats, said: "Labour wooed the media to gain power and now their honeymoon is over. Surely Mr Clarke is aware that in politics if you live by the sword you die by it as well."

The case against Labour

Charles Clarke wrote a robust article in 'The Times' yesterday responding to media attacks on the Government. Andrew Grice analyses key elements of the article.

Jo Moore
The former special adviser to Stephen Byers sent an e-mail on 11 September saying it would be a good day to bury bad news. If Ms Moore had resigned immediately, it might have saved the skin of Mr Byers, who finally quit as Transport Secretary two weeks ago.

Dan Corry
The former political adviser to Mr Byers sent e–mails to Labour's Millbank headquarters asking for personal information about members of the Paddington Survivors' Group. Mr Corry was attacked for trying to "dig dirt" on the group and find out whether its members were Conservative supporters or had other reasons for their apparent "anti-Stephen Byers" agenda.

Bernie Ecclestone
The Formula One motor racing chief gave Labour £1m before the 1997 general election. A government decision to exempt Formula One from its proposed ban on tobacco sponsorship in sport prompted allegations that Mr Ecclestone had bought favours from Labour. The cash was swiftly returned. Tony Blair, who went on television to insist he was "a pretty straight kind of guy", was lucky that the row happened so soon after he came to power.

Richard Desmond
The porn publisher gave £100,000 to Labour just before the Government decided not to refer his attempt to buy Express Newspapers to the Competition Commission. The move appalled female Labour MPs, including the cabinet ministers Clare Short and Tessa Jowell, and prompted calls for the money to be handed back.

Lord Sainsbury of Turville
The Science minister and former boss of the supermarket chain has donated a total of £9m to Labour. The Sainsbury Laboratory in Norwich, which he founded and which conducts research into genetically modified (GM) foods, has had its government grants quadrupled. Critics claim a potential conflict of interests because he is a strong supporter of GM technology.

Lakshmi Mittal
The Indian steel magnate gave £125,000 to Labour shortly before Tony Blair endorsed his plan to take over a state-owned Romanian steel plant. The ensuing row was badly handled by the Government, which described his business as British even though fewer than 100 of the 125,000 staff working for his LNM Holdings group are based in the UK.

Paul Drayson
The chief executive of Powderject Pharmaceuticals donated £50,000 to Labour before the general election last year. In April 2002, Powderject won a £32m contract to supply smallpox vaccines for the Government. Critics alleged "cash for favours" and attacked the decision to award the contract without a formal tendering process.